John Hunwick

The following is an excerpt from the book Untapped
by John Ghazvinian
Published by Harcourt, Inc.; April 2007;$25.00US; 978-0-15-101138-4
Copyright © 2007 John Ghazvinian

Since 1990 alone, the petroleum industry has invested more than $20 billion in exploration and production activity in Africa . A further $50 billion will be spent between now and the end of the decade, the largest investment in the continent’s history — and around one-third of it will come from the United States . Three of the world’s largest oil companies — the British-Dutch consortium Shell, France’s Total, and America’s Chevron — are spending 15 percent, 30 percent, and 35 percent respectively of their global exploration and production budgets in Africa. Chevron alone is in the process of rolling out $20 billion in African projects over a five-year period.

The overwhelming majority of this new drilling activity has taken place in the so-called “deep water” and the “ultradeep” of the Gulf of Guinea , the roughly 90-degree bend along the west coast of Africa that can best be visualized as the continent’s “armpit.” Its littoral zone passes through the territorial waters of a dozen countries, from Ivory Coast in the northwest down to Angola in the south, and a good deal of its geology shares the characteristics that have made Nigeria a prolific producer for decades. Indeed, a number of unexpectedly productive fields have been discovered in the Gulf over the past decade. But although the Gulf of Guinea has lately been sub-Saharan Africa ’s most exciting region for the oil industry, it is hardly the only “prospective” part of the continent (to borrow the industry term). The parched semideserts of southern Chad and southern Sudan have recently added hundreds of thousands of barrels a day to global markets, and a growing chorus of voices is now touting the East African margin as the industry’s “next big thing.”

But be it east or west, jungle or desert, it is a safe bet that where the drillers go, the politicians, strategists, and lobbyists are not far behind. Washington in particular has taken a keen interest in Africa ’s growing significance as an oil-producing region since the headline discoveries of the late 1990s. In December 2000 the National Intelligence Council, an internal CIA think tank, published a report in which it declared unambiguously that sub-Saharan Africa “will play an increasing role in global energy markets,” and predicted that the region would provide 25 percent of North American oil imports by 2015, up from the 15 percent or so at the time. (This would put Africa well ahead of Saudi Arabia as a source of oil for the United States .) In May 2001 a controversial and fairly secretive energy task force put together by U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney declared in its report: ” West Africa is expected to be one of the fastest-growing sources of oil and gas for the American market.”

In the following months, a group of congressmen, lobbyists, and defense strategists came together under the umbrella of the African Oil Policy Initiative Group, and began preaching the message that the Gulf of Guinea was the new Persian Gulf, and that it should become a strategic priority for the United States, even to the point of requiring an expanded military presence. A series of well-placed articles in the American media followed, some breathlessly announcing the inauguration of a new Middle East off the shores of Africa . Before long, the influential Center for Strategic and International Studies had chimed in with a couple of reports, its most recent, in July 2005, claiming that “an exceptional mix of U.S. interests is at play in West Africa’s Gulf of Guinea .”

During these years, a number of prominent lawmakers in Washington began getting excited about the possibility of shifting some of America ’s oil dependence from the Middle East to Africa . One former senior official charged with African affairs recalls Kansas Senator Sam Brownback rushing up to him one afternoon in October 2002, positively glowing with excitement. “What do you think about bases in Africa ?” Brownback asked. “Wouldn’t that be great?”

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But does Africa measure up to the hype? After all, the entire continent is believed to contain, at best, 10 percent of the world’s proven oil reserves, making it a minnow swimming in an ocean of seasoned sharks. Africa is unlikely ever to “replace” the Middle East or any other major oil-producing region. So why the song and dance? Why all the goose bumps? Why do so many influential people in Washington let themselves get so carried away when they talk about African oil?

The answer has very little to do with geology. Africa ’s significance as an oil “play,” to borrow the industry lingo, lies beyond the number of barrels that may or may not be buried under its cretaceous rock. Instead, what makes the African oil boom interesting to energy security strategists in both Washington and Europe (and, increasingly, Beijing ) is a series of serendipitous and unrelated factors that, together, tell a story of unfolding opportunity.

To begin with, one of the more attractive attributes of Africa ’s oil boom is the quality of the oil itself. The variety of crude found in the Gulf of Guinea is known in industry parlance as “light” and “sweet,” meaning it is viscous and low in sulfur, and therefore easier and cheaper to refine than, say, Middle Eastern crude, which tends to be lacking in lower hydrocarbons and is therefore very “sticky.” This is particularly appealing to American and European refineries, which have to contend with strict environmental regulations that make it difficult to refine heavier and sourer varieties of crude without running up costs that make the entire proposition worthless.

Then there is the geographic accident of Africa ’s being almost entirely surrounded by water, which significantly cuts transport-related costs and risks. The Gulf of Guinea , in particular, is well positioned to allow speedy transport to the major trading ports of Europe and North America . Existing sea-lanes can be used for quick, cheap delivery, so there is no need to worry about the Suez Canal , for instance, or to build expensive pipelines through unpredictable countries. This may seem a minor point, until you look at Central Asia, where the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, stretching from Azerbaijan through Georgia and into Turkey , and intended to deliver Caspian crude into the Mediterranean, had to navigate a minefield of Middle East politics, antiglobalization protests, and red tape before it could be opened. African oil faces none of those issues. It is simply loaded onto a tanker at the point of production and begins its smooth, unmolested journey on the high seas, arriving just days later in Shreveport , Southampton, or Le Havre .

A third advantage, from the perspective of the oil companies, is that Africa offers a tremendously favorable contractual environment. Unlike in, say, Saudi Arabia, where the state-owned oil company Saudi Aramco has a monopoly on the exploration, production, and distribution of the country’s crude oil, most sub-Saharan African countries operate on the basis of so-called production-sharing agreements, or PSAs. In these arrangements, a foreign oil company is awarded a license to look for petroleum on the condition that it assume the up-front costs of exploration and production. If oil is discovered in that block, the oil company will share the revenues with the host government, but only after its initial costs have been recouped. PSAs are generally offered to impoverished countries that would never be able to amass either the technical expertise or the billions in capital investment required to drill for oil themselves. For the oil company, a relatively small up-front investment can quickly turn into untold billions in profits.

Yet another strategic benefit, particularly from the perspective of American politicians, is that, until recently, with the exception of Nigeria , none of the oil-producing countries of sub-Saharan Africa had belonged to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). Thus they have not been subject to the strict limits on output OPEC imposes on its members in an attempt to keep the price of oil artificially high. The more non-OPEC oil that comes onto the global market, the more difficult it becomes for OPEC countries to sell their crude at high prices, and the lower the overall price of oil. Put more simply, if new reserves are discovered in Venezuela , they have very little effect on the price of oil because Venezuela ’s OPEC commitments will not allow it to increase its output very much. But if new reserves are discovered in Gabon , it means more cheap oil for everybody.

But probably the most attractive of all the attributes of Africa’s oil boom, for Western governments and oil companies alike, is that virtually all the big discoveries of recent years have been made offshore, in deepwater reserves that are often many miles from populated land. This means that even if a civil war or violent insurrection breaks out onshore (always a concern in Africa ), the oil companies can continue to pump out oil with little likelihood of sabotage, banditry, or nationalist fervor getting in the way. Given the hundreds of thousands of barrels of Nigerian crude that are lost every year as a result of fighting, community protests, and organized crime, this is something the industry gets rather excited about.

Finally, there is the sheer speed of growth in African oil production, and the fact that Africa is one of the world’s last underexplored regions. In a world used to hearing that there are no more big oil discoveries out there, and few truly untapped reserves to look forward to, the ferocious pace and scale of Africa ’s oil boom has proved a bracing tonic. One-third of the world’s new oil discoveries since the year 2000 have taken place in Africa . Of the 8 billion barrels of new oil reserves discovered in 2001, 7 billion were found there. In the years between 2005 and 2010, 20 percent of the world’s new production capacity is expected to come from Africa . And there is now an almost contagious feeling in the oil industry that no one really knows just how much oil might be there, since no one’s ever really bothered to check.

All these factors add up to a convincing value proposition: African oil is cheaper, safer, and more accessible than its competitors, and there seems to be more of it every day. And, though Africa may not be able to compete with the Persian Gulf at the level of proven reserves, it has just enough up its sleeve to make it a potential “swing” region — an oil province that can kick in just enough production to keep markets calm when supplies elsewhere in the world are unpredictable. Diversification of the oil supply has been a goal — even an obsession — in the United States since the Arab oil embargo of the 1970s. Successive U.S. administrations have understood that if the world is overly reliant on two or three hot spots for its energy security, there is a greater risk of supply disruptions and price volatility. And for obvious reasons, the effort to distribute America ’s energy-security portfolio across multiple nodes has taken on a new urgency since September 11, 2001. In his State of the Union address in January 2006, President Bush said he wanted to reduce America ’s dependence on Middle East crude by 75 percent by 2025.

Copyright © 2007 John Ghazvinian

John Ghazvinian

Gambia is a sliver in the side of Africa, one of its tiniest countries, but its attractions are just as bright as any in the region. Its capital city, Banjul, is a uniquely African experience, with a street side culture that chases away the holiday daze of glitzier cities.

A green tourist taxi from Banjul International Airport to any Atlantic coast resort costs about a third more than yellow taxis in either direction. There isnt any public transport to the airport, but minibuses (often an old vw campervan) between Brikama and Serekunda can drop you at the turn off 3km from the airport. From Fajara, you usually have to walk to the junction of Garba Jahumpa Rd and Kairaba Ave to pick up a shared taxi coming from Bakau.

The Gambia was also known, until 1994, as Africas longest running democracy. A small group of army lieutenants staged a coup that year, and the ensuing uncertainty following the uprising led to a decline in tourism, adding further stress to an already fragile economy. With the elections of 2001 and 2006, The Gambia has regained its status as a democracy, but it is a tenuous title as poverty continues to rise, freedom of the press is occasionally threatened and basic infrastructure including road conditions and electricity slides backward rather than forward.

Fajara is the oldest of a string of Atlantic coast resorts that includes Kololi, Kotu and Bakau. Along this six mile strip of beach is a line of about twenty hotels. Back from the beach are more hotels, with restaurants, bars, nightclubs, souvenir stalls and all the other paraphernalia of tourism.

This area of coastline is quite dramatic with red rock cliffs interspersed with small beaches. Care should be taken if swimming in this area.

It is important to always carry some form of ID, either your passport or a photocopy, on long journeys, as there are several checkpoints along the way, and the officials can be difficult if they want to be.

There are very, very few independent travellers in Gambia, like virtually none. This maybe due to very bad roads and almost no public transport.

The coolest period is from December to mid February, however, rainfall is a more significant factor than temperature in the climate here. Generally, the wet season lasts from June to October, and the dry season from November to May. The most uncomfortable time is the period of highest humidity, usually just before the wet season begins in June. However, in recent years the weather in the region has become harder to predict. Generally, rainfall levels have declined due to a combination of local deforestation and global warming. Wet seasons seem to start later and end sooner, although sometimes there are unexpected rainfalls during the normally dry.

Attritions includes the Botanical Gardens which were established during colonial times and are looking a little dilapidated now. However, its still a peaceful shady place. KololiBijilo Forest Park is a small wildlife reserve on the coast.
BakauKachikaly Crocodile Pool is a sacred site for locals, some of whom come here to pray, as the crocodiles.

When you travel to the Gambia a lot of people will ask you the same questions like Where are you from. When you answer these questions theres a little conversation and then a guy will usually walk with you. Its very hard to get rid of these guys. He presumes you need a guide even if you dont. Nevertheless he will demand money for his guiding. He may threatened to get this. The only thing to prevent this happening is to make clear, not only that you dont need a guide, but also that you dont pay anything.

Douglas Scott
http://www.articlesbase.com/travel-articles/the-gambia-longest-running-democracy-124663.html

Table Mountain Aerial Cableway started operating on the 4th October 1929.

The Cableway has become as much of a landmark in Cape Town as Table Mountain itself, and has carried almost 15 million passengers to the top. Some of its better-known visitors include Oprah Winfrey, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Margaret Thatcher and Jackie Chan, to name just a few.

Work on a complete upgrade began in January 1997, and the new Cableway was officially opened on the 4th October 1997 - the anniversary of the original launch almost 70 years previously.

Table Mountain provides a magnificent backdrop to Cape Town, and is famous for the tablecloth of clouds that pours down its slopes when the south-easter blows. This is a mountain of many moods and offers walkers and hikers a range of routes at various hiking levels. If you want the view without the effort, catch the state-of-the-art revolving cable car to the top, and have lunch or dinner in the table-top restaurant.

Rotating Cable Car:

Unlike their predecessors, the new cable cars (or Rotairs), transport you to the top in under 10 minutes. Each car has a carrying capacity of 65 people and a revolving floor giving a 360-degree view of the city and mountain as you glide to the top. The cars also offer excellent aerodynamics in high wind enabling a more reliable service.

On the top of Table Mountain, designated walkways lead you all over the tabletop to experience extraordinary views past Robben Island, to the very edge of the world as it curves into the Atlantic Ocean. Then look south along the rocky mountain ridges leading to Cape Point. The curio shop allows you to take home momentos bearing the insignia of Table Mountain - South Africa’s premier tourist attraction. Visitors can also enjoy a hot or cold buffet meal in the self-service restaurant.

Biodiverstiy Hot Spot:

Table Mountain is a biodiversity hot spot with many endemic species. Some of the most conspicuous fynbos plant species on the mountain are proteas, including South Africa’s national emblem the King Protea.

One unusual animal you can expect to encounter on the mountain is the Dassie or Rock Hyrax. About 50cm in length, it resembles a guinea pig, but is actually the closest living relative to the elephant!! The Table Mountain dassies are very sociable and have lost their natural fear of humans, but don’t touch or feed them as they bite.

Table Mountain National Park:

Take a hike, a ride, a walk, a stroll. Fly your kite, catch a wave, dive, snooze or picnic. You’ll see the surfers with their vintage VW campers, horse riders on the beaches in the morning, and lovers strolling at sunset.

If you are a nature addict and need a fix then the stunning sunsets, exquisite flora and fauna, vast white beaches and waves crashing endlessly against sheer cliffs, should satisfy your cravings.

All these elements combine to form the essence of Table Mountain National Park (TMNP). Established in 1998, TMNP stars in the City of Cape Town and extends along the Table Mountain chain from Signal Hill in the north, to Cape Point in the south. The park incorporates 24,000 hectares and an additional 1,000 square kilometres of marine and coastal reserve.

Part of the Cape Floristic Region World Heritage site, TMNP is the heart of the unique Fynbos plant kingdom - the only plant kingdom on earth contained in one country. It is also the smallest yet richest kingdom in the world, with an area smaller than the City of London boasting no less than 2,285 plant species, many of which are endemic to the park. Because TMN is a park within a city, the conservation land is fragmented by urban development and private land. Few people realise that it is in fact one single Park, offering a diversity of attractions.

Within the SANParks stable, the TMNP is unique in that it is largely an open access park, offering locals and visitors free entry at the majority of its access points. In certain sections of the park, entrance fees are charged, which get channelled straight back into conservation initiatives and environmental education.

Ancient history. The earliest fossil carnivores that can be linked with some certainty to canids are the Eocene Miacids some 55 to 38 million years ago. From the miacids evolved the cat-like (Feloidea) and dog-like (Canoidea) carnivores.

Most important to the ancestry of the dog was the canoed line, leading from the coyote-sized Mesocyon of the Oligocene (38 to 24 million years ago) to the fox-like Leptocyon and the wolf-like Tomarctus that roamed North America some 10 million years ago. From the time of Tomarctus, dog-like carnivores have expanded throughout the world.

About Domestication. Human hunter-gatherers and wolves experienced several overlaps as both are social species, they shared habitat and hunted the same prey. There are four theories to explain possible routes for domestication of the dog:

1. Orphaned wolf-cubs: Studies have shown that some wolf pups taken at an early age and reared by humans are easily tamed and socialized.[2] Once these early adoptees started breeding amongst themselves, a new generation of tame “wolf-like” domestic animals would result which would over generations of time, become more dog-like.

2. The Promise of Food: Early wolves would, as scavengers, be attracted to the bones and refuse dumps of human campsites. Once there, they would recognise specific humans as “ours” and in protecting their range from strangers, would be useful to prevent surprise attack.

These early adoptees became tame wolves, dependent on humans for their source of food. The New Guinea “singing dogs” have such a function today, as do the pariah dogs of India. Dr. Raymond Coppinger of Hampshire College, Massachusetts, argues that such wolves over time would become less fearful of humans than most wild wolves, and this trait may have been heritable, making these wolves more likely to be domesticated.

Hypothetically, wolves separated into two populations - the village-oriented scavengers and the packs of hunters. The next steps have not been defined, but selective pressure must have been present to sustain the divergence of these populations.

3. As a beast of burden: North American Indians used dog-sized travois before adapting the horse for this purpose, and huskies are famous for pulling sleds for Inuit communities. It is very probable that the dog was the original beast of burden before the domestication of the horse or ox.

4. Dogs as a source of food and fur: Whilst Westerners have difficulty thinking of dogs (or wolves) as a source of meat, wolf fur is a highly prized commodity.

Archaeology has placed the earliest known domestication at potentially 10,000 BC-12,000 BC and with certainty at 7,000 BC . Domestication of the wolf over time has produced a number of physical changes typical of all domesticated mammals.

These include: a reduction in overall size; changes in coat colouration and markings; a shorter jaw initially with crowding of the teeth and, later, with the shrinking in size of the teeth; a reduction in brain size and intelligence and thus in cranial capacity (particularly those areas relating to alertness and sensory processing, necessary in the wild); and the development of a pronounced stop, or vertical drop in front of the forehead (brachycephaly).

Behaviourally, the wagging of tails and barking are behaviours only found in wolf puppies, retained via neoteny throughout the dog’s life. Certain wolf-like behaviours, such as the regurgitation of partially digested food for the young, have also disappeared.

As an experiment in the domestication of wolves, the “farm fox” experiment of Russian scientist Dmitry Belyaev [5] attempted to reenact of how domestication may have occurred. Researchers working with selectively breeding wild silver foxes over thirty-five generations and forty years for the sole trait of friendliness to humans, created more dog-like animals.

The “domestic elite” foxes are much more friendly to humans and actually seek human attention, but they also show new physical traits that parallel the selection for tameness, even though the physical traits were not originally selected for. They include spotted or black-and-white coats, floppy ears, tails that curl over their backs, and earlier sexual maturity. It was reported “On average, the domestic foxes respond to sounds two days earlier and open their eyes one day earlier than their non-domesticated cousins.

More striking is that their socialization period has greatly increased. Instead of developing a fear response at 6 weeks of age, the domesticated foxes don’t show it until 9 weeks of age or later. The whimpering and tail wagging is a holdover from puppy hood, as are the foreshortened face and muzzle. Even the new coat colours can be explained by the altered timing of development. One researcher found that the migration of certain melanocytes (which determine colour) was delayed, resulting in a black and white ’star’ pattern.”

DNA Evidence. Prior to the use of DNA researchers were divided into two schools of thought: 1. most supposed that these early dogs were descendants of tamed wolves, which interbred and evolved into a domesticated species. 2. other scientists, whilst believing wolves were the chief contributor, suspected that jackals or coyotes contributed to the dog’s ancestry.

Carles Vila of UCLA,[1], who has conducted the most extensive study to date, has shown that DNA evidence has ruled out any ancestor canine species except the wolf. Vila’s team analyzed 162 different examples of wolf DNA from 27 populations in Europe, Asia, and North America. These results were compared with DNA from 140 individual dogs from 67 breeds gathered from around the world. Using blood or hair samples, DNA was extracted and genetic distance for mitochondrial DNA was estimated between individuals.

Based on this DNA evidence, most of the domesticated dogs were found to be members of one of four groups. The largest and most diverse group contains sequences found in the most ancient dog breeds, including the dingo of Australia, the New Guinea singing dog, and many modern breeds, like the collie and retriever.

Other groups such as the German shepherd showed a closer relation to wolf sequences than to those of the main dog group, suggesting that such breeds had been produced by crossing dogs with wild wolves. It is also possible that this is evidence that dogs may have been domesticated from wolves on different occasions and at different places.

Vila is still uncertain whether domestication happened once - after which domesticated dogs bred with wolves from time to time - or whether it happened more than once.

The most puzzling fact of the DNA evidence is that the variability in molecular distance between dogs and wolves seems greater than the 10-20,000 years assigned to domestication.

Based upon the molecular clock studies conducted, it would seem that dogs separated from the wolf lineage approximately 100,000 years ago. Although clear evidence for fossil dogs becomes obscure beyond about 14,000 years ago, there are fossils of wolf bones in association with early humans from well beyond 100,000 years ago.

Tamed wolves might have taken up with hunter-gatherers without changing in ways that the fossil record could clearly capture. These dogs-in-process would possibly have dallied with wolves as packs of humans and canines traveled out of Africa and around the world.

Since evidence of dogs is not found elsewhere before 14,000 years ago, it may be that the “Sahara pump” associated with the Glacial Maximum was responsible for the spread of the dogs out of Africa. Such a thesis is compatible with the spread of languages associated with the Nostratic hypothesis.

Keith Londrie
http://www.articlesbase.com/pets-articles/origin-of-the-domestic-dog-130582.html

I’ve appreciated travelling all my life. Ever since that time, I’ve had the chance to backpack all the way through Europe, explore around the Caribbean for a month and even reside in Southeast Asia for a short time. The more exotic the destination, the better as far as I’m concerned. That’s why I’ve lately been thinking about revisitng Africa on an African safari.

Going on an African safari would be an encounter like no other. It would be incredible to see all those superb animals such as lions, tigers, elephants, giraffes, zebras, buffalo, and more running liberated in their native environment. But unlike hopping on a plane to the Bahamas with merely an overnight bag with me, going on an African safari requires to a certain extent a bit more planning.

The first thing I decided to do was call up a travel agent. I wasn’t in truth looking for a quotation at that point. I simply wanted to ask a few fundamental questions to acquire a better picture of what I’d need to do before embarking on my African safari. I’m  glad that I decided to make inquiries, as there were quite a few things that I may not have been immediately obvious.

For instance, I didn’t know that I would require a exclusive tourist visa and it takes in the region of 4-6 weeks for the tourist visa to get processed. An added thing I learned is that it would be a good plan to carry a copy of my vaccination records with me. That’s because malaria, dysentery, and other ailments are quite widespread for travellers while on an African safari. I was advised to visit a physician ahead of my journey to get various medicines to help guard against these illnesses.

Once I felt comparatively informed about the arrangements I had to make, I went ahead and started looking at prices. I went online and found quite a few great travel companies specializing in African safaris. Most of these companies have set tour packages that incorporate transport, accommodation, and meals, which would make things a lot easier once I was in that country. Some companies even offered a custom African safari in which travellers could develop their own itineraries.

Improving transport infrastucture in West Africa is a key issue. As those of us who travel in this area know “prevailing rural transport vehicles” (such as VW Campers, elderly Mercedes Buses, miscellaneous trucks) struggle due not only due the age of the vehicles, but also the stress of being driven overloaded and on poor quality roads.

THe following exerpte from a World bank road managment project highlights key issues in measuring requirements and planning improvements - and deals with issues surronding this vicious circle.

“Road infrastructure is a prerequisite (but no guarantee) for economic growth and poverty alleviation. To maximize the positive impact of transport infrastructure in general and poverty alleviation initiatives in particular, the “right” balance between interventions in the national and the rural road network is equally important – i.e. between national connectedness and basic access.

BAA adopts a holistic view in understanding mobility and accessibility needs of rural
communities. It provides a means of identifying, ranking and costing projects for addressing these needs,
for inclusion in the decision-making process. In doing this, BAA enables road authorities to adopt an
inclusive approach in managing road infrastructure, considering both national and rural roads.
BAA Basic Access Approach

The RTI network is defined as “the lowest level of the physical transport chain that connects the rural
population, and therefore the majority of the poor, to their farms, local markets, and social services, such as
schools and health centers, potentially increasing their real income and improving their quality of life” (Lebo
and Schelling, p. 9). Key features of RTI are as follows:

• Ownership: RTI is normally owned by local governments and communities.

• Managing and financing: Many different arrangements may exist for managing and financing RTI.

• Physical features: RTI connects villages to the higher classified road network. These links are normally relatively short (less than 20 kilometers) and sometimes at least partly engineered.

• Traffic characteristics: Transport activities generally are at a much lower level than on main road networks. They are a combination of pedestrians, intermediate means of transport (IMT)such as bicycles and animal-drawn carts, and motorized transport

Minimum criteria for basic access RTI are as follows:

• Passability or reliability

• Adequate access to higher level networks

• Adequate access to local social and economic facilities

• Adequate access to domestic activities

• Trafficable by prevailing rural transport vehicle

A considerable contribution to the study of Islam and Muslim societies in sub-Saharan Africa has been made by the African Studies Centre (ASC) and the Centre d’Études d’Afrique Noire (CEAN) in Bordeaux.

The project has received generous funding from the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with additional support from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Drawing on the combined research expertise of the ASC and CEAN, the main objective of the project has been to improve our understanding of Islam and Muslim societies given the momentous changes of the last ten or fifteen years across the African continent. Economic and political liberalization, democratization, the weakening of the state (or in some cases even its collapse), increased global interconnections, and the spread of new media technologies have all had a dramatic impact on Africa. These processes have also influenced the practice of Islam and Muslim societies in Africa in ways that are still not well understood.

Funded by the ASC-CEAN project, more than a dozen academic researchers working in countries across Africa have undertaken research on Islam with particular reference to relations with the state, processes of political and economic reform, globalization and transnationalism. Their individual research projects, in countries such as Chad, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mauritania, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Sudan and Tanzania, have covered topics including Muslim youth, Muslim associations and activists, Islamic NGOs, debates about Islamic law, secularism and minority rights, and Muslims and the political process in both conflict and post-conflict settings. Together, these research projects are making a major and timely contribution to understanding Islam and Muslim societies in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Mali is the jewel in West Africa’s crown. The country occupies the heart of a territory that once supported Africa’s greatest empires and is rich with historical resonance. This history bequeathed to Mali some of its most dramatic attractions – the legendary city of Timbuktu (Tombouctou), the mosque at Djenné and the bustling river port of Mopti are three among many.

Mali’s history has always been a story of its deserts and rivers. The trade routes of the Sahara once made the region among the world’s richest, and the Niger, one of the grand old rivers of Africa, is still the lifeblood of the country; to journey along the Niger River route (preferably on a slow boat to Timbuktu) is one of the continent’s great adventures. Not far from the riverbank, the extraordinary Falaise de Bandiagara rises up from the plains, and shelters one of West Africa’s most intriguing peoples – the Dogon, whose villages and complex cultural rituals still cling to the edge of rocky cliffs.

However at present, Northern Mali is not safe. There have been several kidnappings of westerners by Tuareg rebels and Al-Qaeda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb (AQLIM) in the past few years, most recently four Europeans on 22 January 2009. Areas of particular concern include the Mali-Niger and Mali-Algeria borders, the Kidal and Gao region, and areas north of Timbuktu

The main cities along the paved road into the north are connected via bus (Bamako, Segou, San, Mopti, Gao). A separate paved loop runs through the south (Bamako, Bougouni, Sikasso, Koutiala, Segou) There are many different companies with different schedules but they all have more or less the same prices. Normally a ride to Mopti (600km, half the way up), takes approximately nine hours; a ride to Gao at least 12. All times are very rough, however, and few bus companies will even give you an estimated arrival time as different drivers drive different speeds and it is not improbable that the bus breaks down and needs a repair or stops to help another bus. It is usually possible to make a reservation several days before, recommended during the tourist season, though one rarely has a problem just showing up 30-60 minutes before the bus leaves.

By taxi brousse

To get around one can take the “Taxi - Brousse”, the bush taxis. They are the main connection between towns which aren’t connected via bus. They are very slow and they sometimes break down or stop to help other broken down taxis. So sometimes the ride takes longer than expected. Unlike the buses, these rarely run on a set schedule, so you generally just need to show up at the station (in a larger town) or sit by the roadside (in smaller villages) and wait for the next to come along - locals may be able to give you some idea what to expect. The vehicles themselves can be mature and varied, such as VWT25 buses, old Mercedes and Renault vans.

By private car

A good option for a larger group or travelers who value comfort over economy is to rent a private car. A 4×4 is strongly recommended if you will be leaving the main highways (this includes the trip to Timbuktu). There are very few asphalt roads, and they are all single-carriageway outside towns, though most are in good condition. One leads into the North of the country (Bamako, Segou, San, Mopti, Gao), another branches off after Segou to cross the Niger at the Markala dam and goes as far as Niono, while another goes from Bamako to Sikasso and on into Ivory Coast. There are private people who rent out their 4×4 cars for a ride (in which case make sure you’ve got insurance and a carnet de passage, and plenty of petrol), but generally renting a car means renting a car and driver. This is strongly recommended as Malian roads and drivers can be unpredictable and the vehicles unreliable.

Travel within Bamako can be difficult for the business traveler and leisure tourist alike. One of the best options is to rent a car with a chauffeur. This can be done on a by-day basis and is an enormous help for someone that is new to the city. When trying to visit numerous places in one day, it becomes difficult to rely on the local taxi system. The chauffeur is a local resident and will know most of the names of the places that you need to go. There is no hassle in finding a parking spot as the chauffeur can wait for you while you attend to the business at hand.